Iran-Iraq War

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Fought between September 1980 and August 1988, with prisoners returned as late as 2003, the Iran-Iraq War was one of the longer, and certainly bloodier, of modern wars. Much of the conflict was a static stalemate reminiscent of the trench warfare of the First World War. Iraq, which had invaded Iran over a territorial dispute, suddenly asked for peace in 1988, in what may well have been a plan by Saddam Hussein to shift his attention to became the 1990 invasion of Kuwait, starting the Gulf War. Several other disputes, including Islamic sectarian conflict and freedom of navigation in the Persian Gulf, led to parallel fighting.

A substantial number of countries supplied and advised Iran, Iraq, or, in a number of cases, both, although there were no significant units from other countries directly involved in the fighting between Iran and Iraq. Starting in 1984, there was fighting between Iran and the U.S. and some of its allies, but that was more of a parallel conflict, often called the Tanker War.

Even the Soviets, along with the French, were position, especially in the early phases of the war, was officially neutral to both sides. They had been Iraq's major arms supplier,see Soviet support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War. and resumed shipments later in the war, although they clandestinely provided a smaller amount of support to Iran. Later in the war, they more visibly supported Iraq, but still maintained an official position of neutrality but actually had relations with both sides.

France became the more high-tech supplier to Iran. No country started out aggressively supporting Iran, but Iran did have a large stockpile, questionably maintained, of munitions obtained from the U.S. while the Shah was a client.

Many countries in the West had regarded Iran, and to a lesser extent Iraq, as a buffer against Soviet expansion. The rich oil reserves of both countries also was important to the major powers. These priorities had created some important background for regional tensions, such as Operation Ajax, a U.S. and British covert operation that deposed the popular, if left-leaning, government of Mohammed Mossadegh, and restored the Pahlavi Dynasty. Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi was aggressively Westernizing Iran, offending a good deal of conservative Shi'ite Muslim opinion, and governing with the assistance of an aggressive secret police apparatus.

Contributing to the attitudes of other countries was the Iranian Islamic Revolution that deposed the Shah. In reaction to the U.S. giving sanctuary and hospitalization to the Shah, members of the loosely organized revolutionary forces. This led to the 1979 Iranian seizure of the U.S. Embassy, with diplomats held hostage until Ronald Reagan took office. The seizure caused intense friction between the U.S. and Iran.

Background

Iran and Iraq are culturally, ethnically, and theologically distinct, although the more heterogeneous Iraq had groups that shared some, but not all, aspects with Iran. The current governments of Iran and Iraq detested one another, over a wide range of issues.

Ethnic and theological

Iranians are fairly monolithic, of Persian culture, Shi'ite Islamic religion, and speaking Farsi. While it was conquered many times, Iran was relatively homogeneous, and had a tradition of absorbing its conquerors.

Remember that modern Iraq was a British invention, joining three Ottoman provinces. Iraqis are primarily of Arab ethnicity, speaking Arabic, with, in the North, a substantial Kurdish minority speaking a significantly changed dialect of Farsi. Arabs of Sunni Islamic religion dominated Iraq, especially from Saddam's home area of Tikrit. The classic Mesopotamian civilization was most related to these Sunni in central Iraq, near what has been called the cradle of civilization, the joining of the Tigris and Euphrates River in the southeast Baghdad area.

In the south of Iraq, the majority of the population are Shi'ite Muslims, but ethnically Arab rather than their coreligionists in Iran. It was not a given that Southern Iraq was automatically allied with Iran.

Ideological issues

There are few who would suggest that Saddam was an altruist, purely interested in the greatest good for the greatest number. Nevertheless, he had come to prominence through the Ba'ath Party, a relatively secular organization with strong nationalism and anticolonialism. An Islamist movement that wanted to make no distinction between civil government and religion would be threatening to a Ba'ath position.

Before the takeover by Shi'ite fundamentalists, Iraq had a working relationship with the unpopular Shah, Reza Shah Pahlavi, formed in 1975 at the OPEC . That ended dramatically when the Islamic Revolution had Khomein return on February 1, 1979, and gradually take power; the Shah had already left. In the 1975 agreement, the key compromise was that Iran and Iraq agreed that their border would no longer be on the Iranian side of the Shatt al-Arab, but down its center. The Shah also agreed to stop supporting Kurdish rebels in northern Iraq, who had also been supported by the U.S., who had sent in United States Army Special Forces. Some minor territorial disputes also were resolved.

Under the Shah, the U.S. and Iran, with British and other support, agreed that Iran should be the regional superpower, which was bitterly resented by Saddam. Indeed, there was resentment through many Arab countries against the power of the non-Arab, ethnically Persian, Iran. Under the Shah, there also were relaxed relations between Iran and Israel.

Khomeini claimed that, just as Iran had abetted Kurdish rebels, Iraq was supporting the Arab rebels of Khuzistan Provice, one of Iraq's major oilfields. He also called on Iraq's Shi'ite (although Arab) population in the South to overthrow the Sunni government.

In this already tense enviroment, Iraq wanted Iran to return several small but strategic islands, nominally Iraqi, that had been occupied by Iran. Iran ignored the request.

Personalities

Saddam saw himself in a heroic mold, based not only on his public presentations, but on some of his personal effects discovered after the 2003 capture of his household. Portraits of him in heroic roles were all over Iraq, but there were such things as his having commissioned portraits of himself by fantasy artists.

While there is no question that there was an intense focus on Khomeini the man in the Islamic Resolution of Iran, he had gained that stature by defiance of the Pahlavi government, his portraying the West as responsible for many of Iran's troubles, and for a drive to a fundamentalist version of Shi'a Islam, with strong resistance to what was seen as western cultural imperialism.

The Iranians were inspired by Khomeini, who railed against Iraq's "godless" rulers, dismissing them as pawns of "the great Satan." Saddam was an "infidel guilty of blasphemy."

As has been observed, both countries supported rebel guerillas in the other. At a more significant level, Iraq sheltered an actual military force of 3,000 soldiers, the "Iran Liberation Army (ILA)", under Ghoylam Ali Ovisi, who had been the military commander of Teheran under the Shah. While the ILA was not part of the original Iraqi invasion, the Iranians believed it likely to come.

Beliefs about a short war

Given the limited military capabilities of the combatants, the war did not appear likely to be a prolonged one, although Iran's Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini pledged to fight until "the government of heathens in Iraq topples." Mediation efforts by the U.N. were rebuffed, but the Conference of Islamic Nations dispatched a "goodwill mission" consisting of Pakistani President Zia ul-Haq and Tunisia's Habib Chatti, the organization's secretary-general, to the combatant capitals. No matter how long the struggle continued or how soon it ended, the shock waves had already reached out from the gulf.

Shatt al-Arab issues

As is common in the Middle East, there was an immediate issue of water rights. Beyond that, however, the Shatt al-Arab is a relatively narrow body of water that provided Iraq's main port, Basra, with access to the Persian Gulf. Especially with anti-shipping missiles, armed speedboats, and other hard-to-detect, hard-to-stop fast weapons, Iran was in a position to block shipping, not only petroleum exports but all Iraqi trade dependent on sea transportation.

Iraq invades Iran

Saddam Hussein, ostensibly a Sunni Muslim, claimed to have started the war to block the export of Shi'ite radical Islam by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and also to gain control of the Shatt al-Arab, a relatively narrow body of water that provides sea access to Iraq's main port of Basra. While Iraq, at first, pushed back Iranian troops after the September 22, 1980 invasion. By March 1981, however, the Iraqi momentum had stalled.

After the situation was stalemated, there were various attempts to broker a settlement. Saudi Arabia offered to pay reparations to Iran and guarantee the removal of Iraqi troops, but Khomeini rejected that proposal.

The military balance

System	Iran	Iraq
Senior command	Many U.S. trained officers had been purged, but nore decentralized	Centralized under Saddam, primarily Soviet doctrine
Infantry	180,000; many desertions	row 1, cell 3
Tanks	875 British-built Chieftain tanks, perhaps 1/3 operational	row 1, cell 3
Artillery	row 2, cell 2	row 2, cell 3
Bomber and attack aircraft	188 U.S. F-4 Phantom, 166 F-5s	row 1, cell 3
Integrated air defense system	77 U.S. F-14 Tomcat interceptors, 8 operational	row 1, cell 3
Logistics	row 1, cell 2	row 1, cell 3

Both countries had command problems, Iran because experienced, Western-trained officers had been purged by the Islamic Revolution. Iraq, on the other hand, wanted no officers that were independent-minded of the conspiracy-sensitive Saddam.

Oil

The two countries provided about 40 percent of the oil in the non-Communist world, and, especially when oil facilities were attacked, the war caused worldwide economic disruption

Resource	Iran	Iraq
Major shipping terminals	Kharg Island	Basra, via Shatt al-Arab; also Mediterranean pipeline
Refineries and petrochemicals	Abadan	Basra
Oilfields	Abadan	Kirkuk

The key issue was less what happened to either country, but that the Strait of Hormuz, at the southern end of the Persian Gulf, might be closed, interfering not only with the two belligerents but with Saudi Arabian, Kuwaiti, and smaller states' tanker and equipment freighter traffic.

Iraq attacks

The subsequent Gulf War, in part, may have been attractive to Saddam because control of the port of Kuwait gave a more defensible access to the sea. He abrogated the Algiers Agreement on 17 September and invaded on the 22nd. The border had not been quiet before then, with harassing artillery and occasional air strikes from Iraq.

While the Iraqi forces seemed better organized, Iran had a larger reserve of personnel, and religious fervor to fight Iraq was much stronger than in the Baa'th attack on Iran. ROpposition parties like the left-wing Socialist People's Mujahidin and the Marxist People's Fedayan were captured by the patriotic fever and backed the war effort of President Abolhassan Banisadr's government.

Particularly at the outset, the war was largely shut off from the outside world, which could only guess at the ferocity of battle by communiques issued by both sides. By the fifth day, for instance, the Iraqis claimed to have shot down no fewer than 158 Iranian planes, about as many, experts figured, as the Iranians would have been able to get into the air. Propaganda was rife on either side. Iraqi television carried bulletins on the fighting, with commentaries on what "our heroic forces" had done to "the racist Persian enemy." The Iranian media talked of Saddam Hussein's "collusion with Israel." Apparently counting on a quick and glorious kill, Saddam's government initially treated the war as a kind of media event, issuing visas for 300 foreign newsmen and busing many of them to Baghdad from Jordan, across 500 miles of desert.

By week's end Baghdad was claiming the recapture of the land the Iraqis consider theirs. The rail line from Iran's southwest oil towns to Tehran was said to have been cut by Iraqi forces, and the border towns of Khorramshahr and Abadan, where the refinery was still burning days after the first bombardment, remained besieged. Western observers assumed that the Iraqi objectives were limited and doubted that they would try to advance much farther. The Iraqi army does not have the logistics to support a campaign deep in enemy territory. And if it tried to push toward Tehran, it would encounter the forbidding 12,000-ft. Zagros Mountains. Moreover, the Iranians were fighting so grittily that even skeptics in Tehran were impressed. Said a retired senior officer: "The soldiers were humiliated by the revolution and then by the revolutionaries. What the hell are they righting so ferociously for?"

Air

"Iraqi pilots flying Soviet-built MiGs headed eastward for bombing raids on military targets and oil facilities across the Iranian border, including the Tigris-Euphrates estuary known as Shatt al Arab. Caught by surprise at first, the Iranians responded with attacks of their own, sending American-made Phantom F-4 fighter-bombers against Iraqi cities and installations."

Iran had less actual combat experience having only fired in anger during periodic border problems with Iraq . More recently, however, they had used tactical airpower along with ground forces to assist the sultan of Oman in counterinsurgency operations in Dhofar, the western portion of Oman.

In contrast, the IQAF had experienced combat operations during wars with Israel in 1948, 1967, and 1973. It had also operated extensively during the long running Kurdish insurgency that ended in 1975 . And, of course, it had also engaged in periodic attacks along the Iranian border.

The Arabs, most notably the frontline states-Egypt, Syria,andJ ordan-have had 30 years of lessons about airpower drilled into them by theirexperience against Israel . As this study will later show, some of these lessons also filtered into Iraqi and Iranian thinking

Typically for modern wars, and this was the first modern war around the Gulf The deepest Iraqi raid was against Mehrabad Airport, a civilian and military base four miles west of Teheran. While Iraq apparently wanted to destroy the Iranian air force on the ground, it failed.

Iranian F-4 fighter-bombers launched counterattacks against two bases in the Basra area. Throughout the war, neither side ever put up large air strikes; 2-4 aircraft raids were common, and forces in the low tens of aircraft were unusual. Neither side had a good doctrine or paid much attention to suppression of enemy air defense.

Nevertheless, while Iran did not put many planes into each attack, they launched near-simultaneous strikes on at least 16 Iraqi targets on the second day of the war. Targets included Baghdad, Erbil, Kirkuk and Mosul. It was claimed that 67 Iranian aircraft were shot down.

Both sides' targeting changed from military, population and command targets to oil. Iranian ships attacked Fao Island, while their aircraft hit petrochemical and refining facilities at Basra.

Iraqi bombers flew against the Abadan refinery and the Kharg Island oil terminal.

Naval

As the war revved up, Tehran declared an embargo on Iraqi harbors and oil facilities like Basra and proclaimed Iranian territorial waters a "war zone." Ships passing through Hormuz were advised by Iranian navy craft to avoid Iraqi ports. While for the most part the traffic—and the oil—kept flowing, some supertanker captains hove to. Off Kuwait, a fleet of the giant ships dropped anchor, waiting for the war to end.

n the Shatt and in the northern gulf, naval craft skirmished and bombarded shore installations.

Ground

Iraqi armor and infantry punched across 500 miles of desert front at many points, surrounding two key Iranian cities but running into stubborn resistance and counterattacks.

Iraq also is reported to have 1,000 huge tank transporters, acquired as a result of bitter experience. Rushing to support Syria and Egypt in the 1973 war against Israel, Baghdad dispatched its tank force on the long trek through Jordan and Syria to the Golan Heights, only to discover that most of the tanks had shattered treads and burned-out engines by the time they arrived. This time the tanks were ready to ride to battle on transporters.

The Iraqis mounted a multipronged drive aimed at Abadan, the nearby port of Khorramshahr, Ahwaz and Dezful, a vital pumping station on the Abadan-Tehran pipeline, and to the north around Kermanshah. The heaviest fighting, reported TIME Correspondent William Drozdiak, was around Khorramshahr, which was being pounded from three sides by Iraqi tank and artillery fire. An Iraqi general told him "There is terrible fighting around Khorramshahr. Unfortunately we are not yet in control of the city."

Iran admitted the loss of five border posts in the early fighting. But as the week went on, the Iranian defenses hardened and the Iraqis found themselves pressed to maintain their salients.

External effects

Major powers

The gulf war pitted not just Iraq against Iran but, on the sidelines, the U.S. against the U.S.S.R. Both superpowers had strategic interests in the area; neither would be casual about political gains by the other side.

Going back to the early days of the Republic, freedom of navigation has been a core issue of U.S. policy. President Jimmy Carter, in 1979, committed to keeeping open the Strait of Hormuz. Since the U.S. has little influence on Iraq or Iran, keeping the waterway open might require force, unless an effective coalition could be built. The Soviets saw this as a potential proxy fight.

Though neither Iraq nor Iran made any attempt last week to interfere with shipping through the strait, the Soviets talked about U.S. "preparations for armed interference in the Persian Gulf," obviously concerned that, in case of a blockade, the U.S. might resort to military action. In Washington, officials expressed fears that if the conflict dragged on, the Soviets, who are Iraq's main armorers and who share a 1,250-mile border with Iran, would have a built-in advantage in case of internal complications in either country.

France was a major supplier to Iraq.

Iranian counteroffensive

On 13 July, Iran opened a major counteroffensive.

Offensives and counteroffensives

Between January 1985 and February 1986, both sides launched offensives, all of which ground to a halt.

Tanker War

Iran and Iraq both saw oil revenue as affecting the other side's ability to fund its war, and began acting to deny such revenues. This involved attacks on third-country shipping and on ports containing third-country ships.

Essentially independently of the main fighting, Iran was increasingly involved with the U.S. and allies such as Kuwait. The period was rife with bad judgment, such as the U.S. shooting down a misidentified Iranian civilian airliner, Iran Air flight 655 and the Iraqis attacking a patrolling U.S. frigate, U.S.S. Stark

War of the Cities

Each side then tried to break the morale of the others by attacks on cities, primarily by wildly inaccurate SCUD ballistic missiles and derivatives, but also with small raids by aircraft. As in WWII, this caused misery but was indecisive.