February 26, 1936 Incident: Difference between revisions

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Perhaps the most serious coup attempt of Japan, before [[World War Two in the Pacific]], was the '''February 26, 1936 Incident''',  a classic incident of ritualized insubordination, or ''[[gekokoju]]''. Leaders killed by the radical Army Young Officers included killing Home Minister [[Makoto Saito]], Finance Minister [[Korekiyo Takayashi]], and Army [[Inspector General of Military Education]] [[Jotaro Watanabe]]. <ref name=NDL>{{citation
Perhaps the most serious coup attempt of Japan, before [[World War Two in the Pacific]], was the '''February 26, 1936 Incident''',  a classic incident of ritualized insubordination, or ''[[gekokoju]]''. Leaders killed by the radical Army Young Officers included killing Home Minister [[Makoto Saito]], Finance Minister [[Korekiyo Takayashi]], and Army [[Inspector General of Military Education]] [[Jotaro Watanabe]]. <ref name=NDL>{{citation
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Kita's disciple [[Mitsugi Nishida]] was a military officer, but resented the materialistic influence of the [[Three Crows]]. He supported what the British Embassy termed "the realization of a system of Fascist dictatorship, based on aggressive militarism, chauvinism, and the destruction of all liberal principles of government." He formed a group called the Young Officers, who made their first action in the [[March 1931 Incident]], with the intent of making [[Sadao Araki]] the Prime Minister. Araki was head of the [[Imperial Way faction]].
Kita's disciple [[Mitsugi Nishida]] was a military officer, but resented the materialistic influence of the [[Three Crows]]. He supported what the British Embassy termed "the realization of a system of Fascist dictatorship, based on aggressive militarism, chauvinism, and the destruction of all liberal principles of government." He formed a group called the Young Officers, who made their first action in the [[March 1931 Incident]], with the intent of making [[Sadao Araki]] the Prime Minister. Araki was head of the [[Imperial Way faction]].


Another organization, the National Principle Group organized by two former Army comrades and containing mostly lieutenants and captains, had, in May 1935, sent a pamphlet to [[Army Chief of Staff (Japan)]] [[Prince Kanin]], charging that Nagata was involved in the [[March incident''. Kanin, on 30 July 1935, sent War Minister Hayashi to as Hirohito's permission to expel the two leaders from the Army, as opposed to the usual punishment of transfer to the reserves. <ref>Bergamini, pp. 621-622</ref>  [[Prince Chichibu]] had been monitoring the situation for the Palace, and the plotters felt they had encouraged them.
Another organization, the National Principle Group organized by two former Army comrades and containing mostly lieutenants and captains, had, in May 1935, sent a pamphlet to [[Army Chief of Staff (Japan)]] [[Prince Kanin]], charging that Nagata was involved in the [[March incident]]. Kanin, on 30 July 1935, sent War Minister [[Hayashi]] to as Hirohito's permission to expel the two leaders from the Army, as opposed to the usual punishment of transfer to the reserves. <ref>Bergamini, pp. 621-622</ref>  [[Prince Chichibu]] had been monitoring the situation for the Palace, and the plotters felt they had encouraged them.


They felt most encouraged by Gen. [[Tomoyuki Yamashita]], a member of Imperial Way and then assigned to the Palace, to investigate the [[Strike-North Faction]]. He had agreed to meet with them on December 22, but did not. After the meeting, several members stopped at a police station and gave a report on their own activities. While this might seem odd in Western eyes, it was quite customary, and even regarded as privileged, for radicals to keep the police informed, as part of the maintenance of civil order.
They felt most encouraged by Gen. [[Tomoyuki Yamashita]], a member of Imperial Way and then assigned to the Palace, to investigate the [[Strike-North Faction]]. He had agreed to meet with them on December 22, but did not. After the meeting, several members stopped at a police station and gave a report on their own activities. While this might seem odd in Western eyes, it was quite customary, and even regarded as privileged, for radicals to keep the police informed, as part of the maintenance of civil order.

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Perhaps the most serious coup attempt of Japan, before World War Two in the Pacific, was the February 26, 1936 Incident, a classic incident of ritualized insubordination, or gekokoju. Leaders killed by the radical Army Young Officers included killing Home Minister Makoto Saito, Finance Minister Korekiyo Takayashi, and Army Inspector General of Military Education Jotaro Watanabe. [1]

While it drew intitial support, especially from officers associated with the Imperial Way Faction, Emperor Hirohito took a strong position against the rebels, even threatening personally to lead troops against it. After three days, it collapsed. Hirohito refused to send a Palace witness to the ritual suicides of some of the leaders.

Theory

Ikki Kita, wrote, in his book A Plan for the Reorganization of Japan, that the land should follow "state socialism", in which landowners, industrialists, and even some aristocrats were usurpers, interfering with a "gospel of the sword" that could unify "our seven hundred million brothers in China and India", led by Japan.[2]

1931 preamble

Kita's disciple Mitsugi Nishida was a military officer, but resented the materialistic influence of the Three Crows. He supported what the British Embassy termed "the realization of a system of Fascist dictatorship, based on aggressive militarism, chauvinism, and the destruction of all liberal principles of government." He formed a group called the Young Officers, who made their first action in the March 1931 Incident, with the intent of making Sadao Araki the Prime Minister. Araki was head of the Imperial Way faction.

Another organization, the National Principle Group organized by two former Army comrades and containing mostly lieutenants and captains, had, in May 1935, sent a pamphlet to Army Chief of Staff (Japan) Prince Kanin, charging that Nagata was involved in the March incident. Kanin, on 30 July 1935, sent War Minister Hayashi to as Hirohito's permission to expel the two leaders from the Army, as opposed to the usual punishment of transfer to the reserves. [3] Prince Chichibu had been monitoring the situation for the Palace, and the plotters felt they had encouraged them.

They felt most encouraged by Gen. Tomoyuki Yamashita, a member of Imperial Way and then assigned to the Palace, to investigate the Strike-North Faction. He had agreed to meet with them on December 22, but did not. After the meeting, several members stopped at a police station and gave a report on their own activities. While this might seem odd in Western eyes, it was quite customary, and even regarded as privileged, for radicals to keep the police informed, as part of the maintenance of civil order.

The plotters were angry that sympathetic General Jinzaburo Mazaki as Inspector General of Military Education had been replaced by Jotaro Watanabe.

1936 operation

Hirohito's reaction

Emperor Hirohito, in spite of the Imperial Way's idealization of the throne, strongly disapproved and ordered counteraction.

Aftermath

The leading officers, as well as two civilian theorists, Ikki Kita and Mitsugi Nishida, were executed. [1]

References

  1. 1.0 1.1 , Chapter 4, Challenge to Constitutional government &mdash The rise of the military: 4-7 The 2.26 Incident of 1936, Modern Japan in Archives, National Diet Library
  2. Harris & Harris, p. 177
  3. Bergamini, pp. 621-622